Daniel Webster （b. 1782,d. 1852） was born in Salisbury,N.H. He spent a few months of his boyhood at Phillips Academy,Exeter,but fitted for college under Rev. Samuel Wood,of Boscawen,N.H. He graduated from Dartmouth College in 1801. He taught school several terms,during and after his college course. In 1805,he was admitted tthe bar in Boston,and practiced law in New Hampshire for the succeeding eleven years. In 1812,he was elected tthe United States House of Representatives. In 1816,he removed tBoston,and in 1827 was elected tthe United States Senate,which position he held for twelve years. In 1841,he was appointed Secretary of State. He returned tthe Senate in 1845. In 1850,he was reappointed Secretary of State and continued in office until his death. He died at his residence,in Marshfield,Mass. Mr. Webster's fame rests chiefly on his state papers and speeches. As a speaker he was dignified and stately,using clear,pure English. During all his life he took great interest in agriculture,and was very fond of outdoor sports.
1.Sink or swim,live or die,survive or perish,I give my hand and my heart tthis vote. It is true,indeed,that,in the beginning,we aimed not at independence. But"There's a divinity that shapes our ends."
The injustice of England has driven us tarms;and blinded ther own interest,she has obstinately persisted,till independence is now within our grasp. We have but treach forth tit,and it is ours. Why then should we defer the declaration? Is any man sweak asnow thope for a reconciliation1 with England,which shall leave either safety tthe country and its liberties,or security this own life and his own honor! Are not you,sir,whsit in that chair,is not he,our venerable colleague2,near you,are you not both already the proscribed3 and predestined4 objects of punishment and of vengeance? Cut off from all hope of royal clemency5,what are you,what can you be,while the power of England remains,but outlaws?
2.If we postpone independence,dwe mean tcarry on,or tgive up,the war? Dwe mean tsubmit,and consent that we shall be ground tpowder,and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust? I know we dnot mean tsubmit. We NEVER shall submit! Dwe intend tviolate that most solemn obligation ever entered intby men,that plighting,before God,of our sacred honor tWashington,when,putting him forth tincur the dangers of war,as well as the political hazards of the times,we promised tadhere thim in every extremity with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here,whwould not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land,or an earthquake sink it,than one jot or tittle6 of that plighted faith fall tthe ground. For myself,having twelve months ago,in this place,moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces raised,or tbe raised,for the defense of American liberty;may my right hand forget her cunning,and my tongue cleave tthe roof of my mouth,if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him.
3.The war,then,must gon. We must fight it through. And if the war must gon,why put off the Declaration of Independence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. Nations will then treat with us,which they never can dwhile we1Reconciliation,renewal of friendship.2Colleague,an associate in some civil office.3Proscribed,doomed tdestruction,put out of the protection of the law. 4Predestined,decreed beforehand.5 Clemency,mercy,indulgence. 6Tittle,a small particle,a jot.acknowledge ourselves subjects in arms against our sovereign. Nay,I maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence,than consent,by repealing her acts,tacknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting tthat course of things,which now predestinates our independence,than by yielding the points in controversy1 ther rebellious subjects. The former,she would regard as the result of fortune;the latter,she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why,then,dwe not change this from a civil ta national war? And since we must fight it through,why not put ourselves in a state tenjoy all the benefits of victory,if we gain the victory.
4.If we fail,it can be nworse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies;the cause will create navies. The people- the people,if we are true tthem,will carry us,and will carry themselves,gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies;and I know that resistance tBritish aggression is deep and settled in their hearts,and can not be eradicated2. Sir,the Declaration of Independence will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for the restoration of privileges,for redress3 of grievances,for chartered4 immunities5,held under a British king,set before them the glorious object of entire independence,and it will breathe intthem anew the spirit of life.
5.Read this declaration at the head of the army;every sword will be drawn,and the solemn vow uttered tmaintain it,or perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit;religion will approve it,and the love of religious liberty will cling around it,resolved tstand1 Controversy,dispute,debate. 2Eradicated,rooted out.3Redress,deliverance from wrong,injury,or oppression.4Chartered,secured by an instrument in writing from a king or other authority. 5Immunity,freedom from any duly,tax,imposition,etc.with it or fall with it. Send it tthe public halls;proclaim it there;let them see it whsaw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill and in the streets of Lexington and Concord,and the very walls will cry out in its support.
6.Sir,I know the uncertainty of human affairs,but I see-I see clearly through this day's business. You and I,indeed,may rue it. We may not live tsee the time this declaration shall be made good. We may die;die colonists;die slaves;die,it may be,ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so: be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life,the victim shall be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice,come when that hour may. But while I dlive,let me have a country,or at least the hope of a country,and that a FREE country.
7.But whatever may be our fate,be assured-be assured that this Declaration will stand. It may cost treasure,and it may cost blood;but it will stand,and it will richly compensate1 for both. Through the thick gloom of the present I see the brightness of the future as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious,an immortal day. When we are in our graves,our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving,with festivity,with bonfires,and illuminations. On its annual return they will shed tears,-copious,gushing tears;not of subjection and slavery,not of agony and distress,but of exultation,of gratitude,and of joy.
8.Sir,before God I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves the measure,and my whole heart is in it. All that I have,and all that I am,and all that I hope in this life,I am now ready here tstake upon it;and I leave off as I began,that,live or die,survive or perish,I am for the Declaration. It is my living sentiment,and,by the blessing of God,it shall by my dying sentiment;independence now,and INDEPENDENCE FOREVER.1Compensate,make amends for.
